“The police officer is reading plate numbers into the radio/computer and waiting for a 'history' on the probable operator, the owner. If the report lists a litany of previous violations, DWI convictions, or outstanding warrant, the officer will concoct a reason to pull the vehicle over.”—Editor, 12 National Motorists Association Foundation News (#1) 13 (Jan/Feb 2001). Another part of the answer is, especially at night, rushing up close behind you tail-gating. This can provoke you (from fear of unknown vehicle suddenly close behind you, in the dark, with potential for car-jacking or other assault) into 'flight' mode. You may then commit an action (e.g., quick-stopping at a 'stop' sign) leading to an excuse (police claim you didn't stop!) to stop you, ticket you. “Pretextual traffic stops undermine the legitimacy of the entire criminal justice system,” says John Holevoet, “Racial Profiling and Pretextual Traffic Stops,” 15 National Motorists Association Foundation News (#2) 7 (March/April 2004). Holevoet points out that “the Supreme Court ruled in Whren v. U.S. [517 US 806; 116 S Ct 1769; 135 L Ed 2d 89 (1996)] that traffic stops are constitutional regardless of the officer's motivations . . . even when the traffic stop is consciously being used as a means to an unjustifiable end [result].” The centuries of law and police abuses show that this system cannot be “reformed.” It must be struck down and banned as unconstitutional, with the appointment of honest judges who will so rule. |
John Campbell, Richard Hildreth, and Passmore Williamson, Defendant, Atrocious Judges: Lives of Judges Infamous as Tools of Tyrants and Instruments of Oppression (New York: Auburn, Miller, Orton & Mulligan, 1856) (book on legal status of slaves in free states, in habeas corpus context) The infamous Dred Scott v Sandford, 60 US 393, 407; 15 L Ed 691, 701 (1857) case which, contrary to the common law and Constitution, claimed that blacks "at the time of the Declaration of Independence, and . . . Constitution . . . had for more than a century before had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and . . . might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit . . . ."
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Frederick Douglass, "The Convict Lease System" (1893) Grimké, Archibald Henry, B.A., LL.B., M.A., "Why Disfranchisement Is Bad" (Philadelphia: E.A. Wright, 1904; and in Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy, reprinted, 1969) (showing harmful effect of disfranchisement on African Americans, the South, and the nation) Grimké, Archibald Henry, The Negro and the Elective Franchise: A Series of Papers and a Sermon (Washington, D.C.: The American Negro Academy, 1905) Grimké, Archibald Henry, B.A., LL.B., M.A., "The Ballotless Victim of One Party Governments" (1913; and in Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy, reprinted, 1969) (attacking disfranchisement) Alton F. McIver, Negro Suffrage: A Study of the Constitutionality of Restrictions in the South (M.A. Thesis, Univ of North Carolina, Chapel Hill: 1950) Joseph L. Bernd, Recent Restrictions upon Negro Suffrage: the Case of Georgia (1959, repr. from The Journal of Politics, vol. 21) Derrick A. Bell, Jr., "Racism in American Courts: Cause for Black Disruption or Despair?" 61 California Law Rev (#1) 165-203 (Jan 1973) Charles V. Hamilton, The Bench and the Ballot: Southern Federal Judges and Black Voters (New York: Oxford Univ Press, 1973) Steven F. Lawson, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944-1969 (New York: Columbia Univ Press, 1976) Edward Ayers, Vengeance and Justice: Crime and Punishment in the Nineteenth-Century South (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) Abigail M. Thernstrom, Whose Votes Count?: Affirmative Action and Minority Voting Rights (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ Press, 1987) "The Disenfranchisement of Ex-Felons: Citizenship, Criminality, and 'the Purity of the Ballot Box,'" 102 Harvard Law Review (#6) pp 1300-1317 (1989) A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., and Greer C. Bosworth, "'Rather Than the Free': Free Blacks In Colonial and Antebellum Virginia," 26 Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (#1) 17-66 (Winter 1991) Akhil Reed Amar, "The Bill of Rights and The Fourteenth Amendment," 101 Yale Law Journal (#6) 1193-1284 (April 1992) A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., et al., "The Law Only As An Enemy," 70 North Carolina Law Review (#4) 969-1070 (April 1992) Edward Ayers, The Promise of the New South (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992) Paul Finkelman, "The Crime of Color," 67 Tulane Law Review (#6) 2063-2112 (June 1993) (for example, at 2068-9, discussing presumption of guilt that allowed white citizens to demand from black persons papers demonstrating their freedom) Andrew L. Shapiro, "Challenging Criminal Disenfranchisement Under the Voting Rights Act: A New Strategy," 103 Yale Law Journal (#2) 537-566 (Nov 1993) (This is a most significant article, giving a glimpse of Confederates' manipulation of law-making after the Civil War so as to arrange disproportionate arresting and jailing of blacks (re-enslavement under a new label—prison), and thus take away their right to vote. It is this type of manipulation that abolitionist Michigan tried to head off in 1909 by the law discussed herein and at our many related websites.) David Oshinsky, Worse Than Slavery: Parchman Farm and the Ordeal of Jim Crow Justice (New York: The Free Press, 1996) Alex Lichtenstein, Twice the Work of Free Labor: The Political Economy of Convict Labor in the New South (London: Verso, 1996) Paul Finkelman, Slavery and The Law (Madison, Wis: Madison House Publishers, 1996) (Overview | Table of Contents | Introduction) Paul Street, "Race, Prison, and Poverty: The Race To Incarcerate In The Age Of Correctional Keynesianism" (c. 1996) Stephen Hartnett, "Prison Labor, Slavery & Capitalism In Historical Perspective" (c. 1997) Randall Kennedy, Race, Crime, and the Law (New York: Pantheon Books, 1997) Karin A. Shapiro, A New South Rebellion: The Battle Against Convict Labor in the Tennessee Coalfields, 1871-1896 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998) Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850-1920 (Bloomington: Indiana Univ Press, 1998) Virginia Hench, "The Death of Voting Rights: The Legal Disenfranchisement of Minority Voters," 48 Case Western Reserve Law Rev (#4) 727-798 (Summer 1998) Patrica Allard and Marc Mauer, Regaining the Vote: An Assessment of Activity Relating to Felon Disenfranchisement Law (The Sentencing Project, January 2000) National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Youth Law Center, “And Justice for Some” (Washington, DC, 25 April 2000) (Of youths imprisoned with adults, 75% are minority youth. Black youths are overall 600% more likely to be jailed than comparable white youths with identical records.) "The Awful Truth" (2000) ("According to the Sentencing Project, African-American males are incarcerated at . . . more than four times the rate of Black males in South Africa.") Kim Gilmore, Slavery and Prison - Understanding the Connections" (May 2000) Alexander Keyssars, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York: Basic Books, 2000) Mary Ellen Curtin, Black Prisoners and Their World, Alabama, 1865-1900: Carter G. Woodson Series in Black Studies (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2000) Prof. Angela Y. Davis, "Masked Racism: Reflections on the Prison Industrial Complex" (c. 2000) Penny Hess and Omali Yeshitela, Overturning the Culture of Violence (St. Petersburg: BSU Pub, 2000) New Jersey Racial Profiling Archive (27 November 2000) Prof. Anthony M. Platt, "Social Insecurity: The Transformation of American Criminal Justice, 1965-2000 " (December 2000) Tim Wise, "Shot by Cops? Not If You're White" (22 May 2001) “From Alabama's Past, Capitalism Teamed with Racism to Create Cruel Partnership,” Wall Street Journal (16 July 2001) Sasha Abramsky, "Prison Nation: Driven by fear, the US has surrendered to 'Carceral Keynsianism'" (2001) Bernstein, David E., Only One Place of Redress: African Americans, Labor Regulations and the Courts from Reconstruction to the New Deal (Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ Press, 2001) Paul Street, "Empire Abroad, Prisons At Home: Dark Connections" (c. 2002) Hayden, Joseph, “Echoes of Juneteenth haunt us today,” San Francisco Chronicle (19 June 2003); reprinted at demos-usa.org NCADP, "Racial Bias on Death Row" (2003) (“The system has proved itself to be wildly inaccurate, unjust, unable to separate the innocent men from the guilty and, at times, a very racist system,” says former Illinois Governor George Ryan) Street, Paul, “Starve the Racist Prison Beast” (8 November 2003). Hallett, Prof. Michael, “Commerce with Criminals: The New Colonialism in Criminal Justice,” 21 Rev Policy Research (#1) 49-62 (January 2004) Bruce Dixon, "Ten Worst Places to be Black," Black Commentator (Issue # 146) 14 July 2005 Bruce Dixon, "Mass Incarceration is an Abomination," Black Commentator (Issue # 147) 21 July 2005 Margaret Colgate Love, Relief from the Collateral Consequences of a Criminal Conviction: A State-by- State Resource Guide (William S. Hein & Co., July 2005) (has "Executive Summary") Glen Ford, “Mass Incarceration and the Black Elite,” Black Commentator (Radio, 5 August 2005) Maya Rockeymoore, Ph.D., “Vote or Die: The Lessons of Katrina,” Black Commentator (22 September 2005) Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen, Locked Out (Oxford Univ Press, 2006) Elizabeth Hull, The Disenfranchisement of Ex-felons (Temple Univ Press, 2006) Sasha Abramsky, Conned: How Millions Went to Prison, Lost the Vote, and Helped Send George W. Bush to the White House (The New Press, 2006). American Blackout (25 Jan 2006) (movie that “chronicles the recurring patterns of disenfranchisement witnessed from 2000 to 2004”). This video documentary directed by Ian Inaba, begins "with the detailed argument that black voters in Florida were systematically disenfranchised in the 2000 presidential election." The "film then pulls double duty: It's a fine-tooth examination of both the continued, unconstitutional marginalization of black voters in America and the attempts by various political and media machines to crush McKinney in retaliation for her outspokenness on that subject and on the illegality of the war in Iraq." Deborah Davies, “Torture Inc.: Americas Brutal Prisons” (2 March 2006) Stephen Lendman, “The U.S. Gulag Prison System ” (16 March 2006) Tim Wise, "The Oprah Effect: Black Success, White Denial and the Reality of Racism" (28 July 2006) (cites continuing racism, and incompetent denials of same, whereby bigots deem "anecdote" as "not only proof [but] even better proof than social science research and quantitative data [e.g., "statistical evidence," contrary to] the most basic strictures of research design and accepted scholarly interpretation [analysis]” Sasha Abramsky, “Block the Vote: The 10 Worst Places to Cast a Ballot” (Mother Jones, 13 September 2006). Ariel J. Feldman, J. Alex Halderman, and Edward W. Felten, “How to Steal an Election: Princeton: Security Analysis of the Diebold AccuVote-TS Voting Machine” (Princeton University, 15 September 2006) “Debt to Society" (September 2007) (“There are more people behind bars in the United States today than ever before. Since 1980, the inmate population has more than quadrupled to two million—an unprecedented explosion that is incurring unprecedented costs to all Americans.”) Paul Craig Roberts, Ph.D., "Criminals With Badges" (2 January 2008) ("The American police have never prevented crimes. In olden days, the police solved crimes by finding the guilty party. No more. In our time, the police create crimes. And that is why the US prison population is twice the size of China’s, an authoritarian country with a population four to five times larger than America’s. . . . There you have it. The American Police – "support your local Gestapo" – spend their time engineering false crimes and not investigating real crimes. Americans are more at risk from the police than they are from criminals. . . . Never make the mistake of calling the police, and never get stopped by a traffic cop. You run the risk that he will drop a bag of drugs into you car and arrest you on a drug offense. If you encounter a police officer, be sure you have thousands of dollars with which to buy him off from making false charges. Most police charges are false charges. Americans need to wake up to this fact or the American prison population will outstrip the rest of the world combined." William Poundstone, Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (and What Can Be Done About It) (Hill & Wang, February 2008) (Interview: "ours may be the worst of all the voting systems in common use"; Review, overemphasizes "spoilers" but does note certain voting system flaws) Douglas A. Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (Doubleday, 25 March 2008) (Review 1, 2) Charles Lane, The Day Freedom Died: The Colfax Massacre, the Supreme Court, and the Betrayal of Reconstruction (Henry Holt & Company, 2008) (Review 1, 2, 3) (The Supreme Court upheld massacre of blacks in United States v Cruikshank (1876).) Adam Liptak, "Inmate Count in US Dwarfs Other Nations’" (The New York Times, 23 April 2008) ("The United States has less than 5 percent of the world’s population. But it has almost a quarter of the world’s prisoners. . . . The United States . . . has 751 people in prison or jail for every 100,000 in population. . . . The only other major industrialized nation that even comes close is Russia, with 627 prisoners for every 100,000 people. The others have much lower rates. England’s rate is 151; Germany’s is 88; and Japan’s is 63. The median among all nations is about 125, roughly a sixth of the American rate.")
| Some people mention “reconciliation.” Step one is of course, ending the attack in process.
Reconciliation does NOT mean, for example, bankers' reconciliation with robbers while the robbery is in process! Genuine reconciliation means, first and foremost, stopping the in-process attack(s). Agreed?!! That's step one? Be assured, if someone professes to advocate "reconciliation," "friendship," WITHOUT mentioning ending the attack(s) in process, he is himself an attacker—aiding and abetting, accessory to same. |
DWB, Driving While Black or Brown. This site examines the situation in a way different than you likely have seen. This site is based on medical and historical legal research data, an area of knowledge generally overlooked, except among specialists.
| "Partem aliquam recte intelligere nemo potest, antequam totum, iterum atque iterum, periegerit." No one can rightly understand any part until he has read the whole again and again. Meaning: Re-read this site, and the references, "again and again" until you understand them in full. |
Voting While Black (or Brown)
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For background, see references including
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| Note the example of the ancient world, "the Germanic tribes of the north" and "the two . . . Germanic tribes, the Angles and the Saxons, [who] settled in England." "By and large, imprisonment was not used as a punishment," say Phyllis Elperin Clark, M.A., and Robert Lehrman, M.F.A., Doing Time: A Look at Crime and Prisons (New York: Hastings House, 1980), p 24. Restitution was made "to their victims," p 25.
So, "we should ask how the idea of prison took root in our culture. . . . for most of Western history, the prison sentence was practically unknown," p 18. What changed? "When the Normans conquered England in 1066, two different forms of [so-called] justice met. The [power-mad] Norman kings were not 25used to the Anglo-Saxon idea of leaving justice in private hands, but they were quick to see the advantage of fines as a form of punishment. They made one change . . . instead of paying the fines [restitution] to their victims, offenders were now ordered to pay the money to the king," pp 24-25. One “important factor [in the British monarchy having decided to begin defining crimes] was . . . to build up a strong central government. Acts [previously legal] became crimes. “As the king [government] became more powerful, legislation against private crime increased and after the Norman conquest [of England by William the Conqueror, 1066] a distinct body of criminal law evolved for the first time. . . ." “As part of his policy of strengthening the central government, Henry II (1154-89) established the system [leading to modern] judges. “[In the] reign of Henry VII [1485-1509] . . . a strong central government [did] emerge . . . reflected by a great increase in the types of crimes against which legislation was passed. . . . “Under the Stuarts [1603-1689; King James I, Charles I, Charles II, James II], the need to raise money for the crown led to [yet more] new crimes being defined.”—“Crime,” Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol 6, pp 754-758 (this quote, pp 756-757) (1963). One “device of Edward [IV] [1461-1483] for filling his exchequer was a very stringent [law] enforcement [policy]; small infractions of the laws being made the excuse for exorbitant fines. This was a trick which Henry VII. [1485-1509] was to turn to still greater effect.”—“English History,” Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th ed., Vol 9, pp 466-587 (this quote, p 520) (1910). See also the history of corrupt English judges, by Baron John Campbell, Atrocious Judges: Lives of Judges Infamous as Tools of Tyrants and Instruments of Oppression, edited by Richard Hildreth (New York and Auburn: Orton & Mulligan, 1856), and, for example, the abuses concerning the Trial of Anne Boleyn, pp 85-86 (when King Henry VIII was disposing of his unwanted second wife! When a queen can't get a fair trial, due to the perjury and rigged jury, who can?!)
See also background on "It's a problem that's faced by police departments in every major city in our country, that criminals infilitrate and sign up to join the police force," says Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, CXLVI Newsweek, p 23 (10 October 2005). |
This is not to overlook the ego trip, adrenalin rush, and psychopathic elements prevalent among polticians.
Note
Observe especially neo-Confederate politicians. “It is difficult today to comprehend the psychosis of the southern mind. . . .,” says Prof. Clement Eaton, The Freedom-of-Thought Struggle in the Old South (Duke Univ Press, 1940, and New York: Harper & Row, 1964), p 384. P 140 cites them as described as “a set of drunkards, gamblers, and whoremongers,” by abolitionist Daniel Worth. Wherefore due to such factors as that corrosive influence, the U.S.A. is the highest, the worst, in terms of sheer numbers of prosecutions and incarcerations. Note the Election Fraud committed by the South and upheld by the President in Kansas in 1850's. The government fought for the election stealing. Southerners saw they could continue this type abuse. For an example of the criminal prosecution system targeting blacks vs whites for same activity, see “Sex Across the Color Line: Marcus Dixon, Emmett Till and the New/Old South,” by Tim Wise, Black Commentator, Issue 71 (1 Jan 2004). See also Bruce Dixon, "Mass Incarceration is an Abomination," Black Commentator, Issue # 147 (21 July 2005). For data on the invention of police departments for social control purposes, and on the process of massively increasing arrests by not following the "Good Neighbor" policy (informal actions such as warnings vs outright arrests), see "The Demand for Order and the Birth of Modern Policing," by Kristian Williams, 55 Monthly Review (#7) 16-23 (December 2003). |
providing to the freed slaves payment for their labor, in the form of valuables such as jewels, gold, clothing, and supplies. Exodus 12:35-36. killing 10% of the pro-slavery people, i.e., the first-born, about 10% of the 20 million people, i.e., about two million. additionally, killing 100% of the entire slaver army (the Egyptians at the Red Sea, Exodus 14:28); only 25% of Confederate troops were killed. providing land to the freed slaves Joshua 13-22 with the bottom-line resulting in wealth so great that silver was spurned (like stones! or in modern terms, small bills), as gold (large bills) was had in such significant abundance (1 Kings 10:21 and 27 and 2 Chronicles 1:15)!
“We [of the South] have been confronted by the condition of a large, ignorant, debased vote, thrust upon us by the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. That vote stands as a menace to the freedom, to the purity of the ballot box, to the purity and honest of elections, to sthe decency of government, and it is there forever until there is a constitutional provision made here which will relieve us from it.”—South Carolina Senator Benjamin Tillman (1847-1918), Congressional Record, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., pp 2245, 3224 (1899).Tillman bragged in 1900, "We have done our level best [to prevent blacks from voting] . . . we have scratched our heads to find out how we could eliminate the last one of them. We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We are not ashamed of it." (Quoted by Rayford Logan, The Betrayal of the Negro from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson [New York: Da Capo Press, 1997], p. 91).
See also his 23 March 1900 Senate speech advocating disenfranchisement of blacks and lynching of those who protested, saying, e.g., "I want to ask the Senator this proposition in arithmetic: In my State there were 135,000 negro voters, or negroes of voting age, and some 90,000 or 95,000 white voters. . . . Now, I want to ask you, with a free vote and a fair count, how are you going to beat 135,000 by 95,000?"
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"led to wholesale corruption, extensive trafficking in drugs . . . physical abuse of inmates . . . and an abdication of official responsibility and proper supervision . . . rampant homosexual rape of the younger and weaker inmates . . . unrestrained brutality . . . commonplace . . . medical care was virtually unavailable. . . ."
The superintendent (Thomas Murton) of one prison who objected to this type systemic abuse (including use of "the Tucker telephone, a torture device used to send an electrical shock to an inmate's testicles" and requiring inmates "to produce enough . . . income to meet the entire costs of running the facility and . . . whipped for not doing their share") was "rebuked by the governor . . . threatened with arrest . . . fired for offending and embarrassing his political superior . . . subsequently became a criminal justice professor at the University of Minnesota." |
For references, here is a list:
| "a colored prisoner farm . . . three miles out of Clarksdale, Mississippi.
"[The author] was the cook's helper, and saw some of what went on. Every time a prisoner came they whipped him, called it 'nitiating' him, to let him know where his whipping post was; and they whipped him again before he went out to work. . . . They'd give him an extra gift for his work. . . . They would make him lay on his stomach crost a barrel, and some would hold his head and the others his feet. And the whipping boss, a white man, would whip him with a strap of leather with round holes cut in it, to make blisters on the skin. "I saw them whip one man to death . . . morning and night until he . . . just lay in his cage. . . . He couldn't even get [up] to get his food. The feeder wasn't allowed [to help, just] leave the sick man's [food out-of-reach]. I'd [instead] take the bread and roll it up in a piece of paper and throw it to his bunk, like a puppy. They told me I'd get prison for life if they found that out. He died and they buried him in the farm cemetary, just like he was; didn't wash or change him. 'Cause the hole was too short they stomped on him, mashed, tramped, bent him down in there, and threw dirt on him." —From "The Prison Farm," by Mary Richardson, Item 158 in Richard M. Dorson, PhD (Prof, History and Folklore, Indiana University), American Negro Folktales (Greenwich, Conn: Fawcett Pubs, Inc, 1956, 1958, 1967), p 288. |
"Prisoner Abuse and The Drug War -- What You Can Do," by Richard Lake (14 May 2004) "The Dark Side of America: A system to monitor conditions in our prisons, which have grown tenfold over the last 30 years, is long overdue," New York Times (17 May 2004) Prison Lifer Ratio Study," by "The Sentencing Project" (May 2004) (1 in 11 US prisoners is serving a life sentence)
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"developed a new form of slavery known as convict leasing. Renting prisoners from the states' overcrowded prison systems provided the contractors with cheap labor and the states with welcome revenue.
"As the demand for convict labor increased, blacks were arrested on ever more petty charges such as vagrancy, fistfighting or carrying a weapon, and shipped off to chain gangs. There they were ill-fed, poorly clothed and brutally treated; the death rate among them ran as high as 50 percent in South Carolina."—Richard W. Murphy, et al., ed., The Nation Reunited: War's Aftermath (Alexandria, VA: Time-Life Books, 1987), p 124. "Meanwhile the vicious system generated enormous fortunes for some. A planter named Edmund Richardson got control of almost all the convicts in Missiissippi and became for a time the biggest cotton producer in the South; by dealing shrewdly in convicts, Alabama state warden John H. Bankhead grew wealthy on a salary of $2,000 a year; Georgia's . . . political boss Joseph Brown made his postwar fortune with convicts leased from the state for seven cents a day. "In fact, so many powerful people profited from the system that it took reformers decades to end it." Murphy, supra, p 124. |
And, the methodology of how to do legitimate genuine crime prevention has been known since the 1830's, continuously in research, through to the present day era. DWB involves taking actions contrary to that methodology.
Quick background: Slavery had been illegal and unconstitutional, yet slavers, originally mostly tobacco farmers, did it anyway.
| “The right of voting for representatives is the primary right by which all other rights are protected. To take away this right is to reduce a man to slavery.” |
| The seceding "red states" resented that the 1860 election was barely won by the anti-slavery-expansion party of Abraham Lincoln. The pro-slavery side running John Breckinridge for President had nearly won. Lincoln had not won a majority of the popular vote, only about 39.8%. Lincoln had barely won a majority in the slavery-dominated Electoral College.
The pro-slavery "red states" side was so dominant, that if just one state, say, New York, had switched sides, Lincoln would not have had an Electoral College majority; and the Presidency under the Constitution would have been decided by the House of Representatives. “Breckinridge was pledged to take” “pro-slavery actions. He certainly would have appointed pro-slavery justices to . . . the Supreme Court. . . . Breckinridge also favored the admission of New Mexico and other national territories . . . as slave states, so the balance between free and slave states would have been permanently destroyed. [Also a factor] was the determination of Breckinridge [advocates] to extend the empire of slavery by purchasing, or conquering, Cuba. . . . a Breckinridge victory would have assured that the United States remained a slaveholding nation.” Reference: History Prof. David Herbert Donald, “1860: The Road Not Taken,” 35 Smithsonian (#7) 54-56 (October 2004). The South could easily see that if it could control just one more such state, it could retain control of the nation. |
| State | Black | White
| Alabama | 104,000 | 61,000
| Florida | 16,000 | 11,000
| Georgia | 95,000 | 96,000
| Louisiana | 84,000 | 45,000
| Mississippi | 60,000 | 46,000
| North Carolina | 72,000 | 106,000
| South Carolina | 80,000 | 46,000
| Virginia | 105,000 | 120,000
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The unreconstructed Confederates saw that in a number of locations, they could be outvoted. But they also saw that they could re-dominate, if they would ruthlessly obstruct and prevent black voting.
| You may recall that Andrew Johnson was then President having been elected with Lincoln in 1864. Why did his party not re-nominate him, and instead chose Grant? Because Johnson had "sold out," sold out to the South. He sabotaged Reconstruction efforts, ignored the mass violence and lynchings of blacks, ignored the anti-black laws being passed in Southern states, generally took a wicked anti-freedom, pro-South position on every point.
His party saw that he was abandoning its policies, and positioning himself to get Southern votes to be re-elected. He pretended to be trying to unify the country after the War, but in reality, had no such interest. He had been a long-time illiterate who couldn't read until his wife taught him. He hated blacks. He had had slaves and had typical slaver morals (the webmaster personally knows one of his black descendants!) Johnson did not care about blacks' rights, so had no moral qualms about selling out America, about taking the immoral point of view. His emphasis was promoting his personal vanity, covetousness, and greed. As having lived in the "Slave Power," in Tennessee, he well knew the South's long-time lockhold on the federal government and its obsessive pro-slavery policies in defiance of the Constitution. “The policy of the federal government down through the years, despite several conspicuous exceptions, had been predominantly supportive of slavery. . . . That was the impression given in the national capital . . . . That was the image presented in diplomacy to the rest of the world.”—Don E. Fehrenbacher, Ph.D. (1920-1998), The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United States Government's Relation to Slavery, ed. Ward M. McAfee (New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Johnson was willing to go along, so abandoned his party, so it naturally did not nominate him, but chose war hero General Grant instead. |
unreconstructed Confederates clearly saw that the black vote was sufficient to swing elections against them, including at the Presidency. For example, in 1868, Presidential candidate General Ulysses S. Grant LOST the election among the nation's total 5,000,000 white voters (North and South combined), 2,300,000 vs 2,700,00 for the opponent. So Grant's opponent would have won by 400,000 votes, and restored Southern control immediately, the first election after Lincoln!
| Referring to this loophole does not mean that intimidation and mass murders were not also used. But this site focuses on what is continuing to present. Examples of mass murders in the post-Civil-War South are too numerous to list. But here are examples.
Post-war Confederate guerillas went so far in one area as to post a murder notice of killings to "continue until the Radical Party is exterminated . . .," say Prof. James M. Smallwood, Barry A. Crouch, and Larry Peacock, Murder and Mayhem: The War of Reconstruction in Texas (College Station: Texas A&M Univ Press, 2003), p 82 (Review 1, 2, 3). Confederate guerillas "understood the political situation . . . continued to drape themselves in the Lost Cause and posture as Confderate heroes trying to save . . . the old pro-slavery party," p 82. Confederate guerillas "ordered all freedpeople in the area to leave the state altogether . . . disobedience would mean 'immediate, instant death,'" p 82. Unionists realized "that one of the principal objects to be attained by 'the notice and threats to Union men, white and black[,] was to discourage them and tender them powerless at the anticipated Election.'" The Confderate guerillas succeeded, their violent actions "'to compel the Unionists through fraud to leave the country, this having to a great extent been accomplished,'" p 82. Confederate guerillas "searched for any means, fair or foul, to discourage white Unionists and freedmen from voting," p 82. See also David W. Padrusch, Aftershock: Beyond the Civil War (A & E, 2006), for more on the Confederate violence pattern. For example, Confederates in 1866 New Orleans wounded, shot, and dispersed the delegates to the Lousiana constitutional convention, and their supporters, lest they vote to allow blacks to vote. "Much more mayhem developed before [one] chapter of the Second Civil War ran its course. Writing . . . in July of 1869, Lt. William Hoffman may have given the best analysis of the turmoil, an analysis that is still thought provoking for those who study the Reconstruction era today. Hoffman said that the Southern rebels' hatred for the white loyalists and for the freedmen was such that it could never be overcome. The freedmen's situation was deplorable, he said, as he echoed the sentiments of all those who had seen blacks robbed or beaten, raped or murdered. White Union civilians were similarly persecuted, with some of their number also being killed. Even worse, Lieutenant Hoffman surmised that the [Confederate] hatred would be passed from one generation to the next: 'The coming generation, children and children's children[,] are zealously reared to the one great tenet: implacable hatred to the [Union] government.' The subsequent history of the South suggests that young Hoffman knew of what he spoke," say Prof. Smallwood, et al, Murder and Mayhem, supra, p 116. In Congress, a number of black congressmen, newly elected after the Civil War, sought to prevent this type assault on rights. Laws such as the Civil Rights Act of 1875 and the Ku Klux Klan Act were passed. Click here for excerpts of speeches on same. But the grey vs blue continues even yet, renamed as red states vs blue states. |
| The Presidential Elections 1860-1884 Site features cartoons from Harper's Weekly, especially by Thomas Nast, and from Vanity Fair, Frank Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, Puck, and the Library of Congress Collection of American Political Prints, 1766-1876. In addition to explanations of each cartoon, the site has biographies, explanations of issues, campaign overviews, and other relevant information. |
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| "We shall, the fair-minded men of the country will, history will, hold that the [Yankee candidates himself and intended Vice-President] were by fraud, violence, and intimidation, by a nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment, deprived of the victory which [we] fairly won."
Note Rutherford's November 27 diary entry: "A fair election would have given us about forty electoral votes in the South. . . . [The racist South has won, has defeated us] by violence, intimidation, and fraud . . . ." |
(1) end "Reconstruction," and (2) drop all constitutional enforcement action that would enable blacks to vote thereafter, without being subjected to violence and intimidation.

Sen. Charles Sumner, "OnThe Crime Against Kansas (Senate, Congressional Globe, 34d Cong., 2d Sess., 19-20 May 1856) George B. Cheever, D.D., Address On the Subject of the Iniquity of the Extension of Slavery (Cincinnati: American Reform Tract and Book Society, 1857) Kansas History Online Site, re 16 July 1855, etc. (2006) The Answers.Com Site (2006) Historical Society Site, "Willing to Die for Freedom: A Look Back at Kansas Territory, 1854-1861" (2006) Fort Scott Historic Site on "Bleeding Kansas" (2006) "How Bloody Was Bleeding Kansas?" (2006)
| "The object of these Ordinances is to prevent, if possible, the vending of spiritous liquor to slaves [as] it was found by experience that this [grocer sales] was an easy method of . . . selling spirits to slaves."—City Council v Ahrens, 35 SC (4 Strob) 241, 254, 257; 15 SC Annot Ed 126, 133-134 (Feb 1850). |
| A second constitutional point is this. Remember Prohibition? Re the 'war on alcohol,' why didn't Congress just ban it? Answer: Doing so was deemed unconstitutional.
"Personal liberty, which is guaranteed to every citizen under our constitution and laws, consists of the right to locomotion,—to go where one pleases, and when, and to do that which may lead to one's business or pleasure, only so far restrained as the rights of others may make it necessary for the welfare of all other citizens. . . . "Any law which would place the keeping and safe conduct of another in the hands of even a conservator of the peace [police], unless for some breach of the peace committed in his presence, or upon suspicion of felony, would be most oppressive and unjust, and destroy all the rights which our Constitution guarantees." Pinkerton v Verberg, 78 Mich 573, 584; 44 NW 579, 582-583 (1889). Wherefore, an alcohol ban was unconstitutional, unless explicitly constitutionalized, as by the Eighteenth Amendment. The same is true for the other now-illegal drugs--made illegal by neo-Confederates in legislatures and Congress. |
University of Wisconsin Professor Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin (NY: Harper and Row, 1972), reported government (e.g., CIA, Pentagon) role in drug smuggling. Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987) cited, as a Wall Street Journal investigative reporter—and biographer of Pope John Paul II—examples of government officials (Pentagon military, etc.), smuggling drugs into the U.S. and taking action against those rare honest government agents who wanted to halt the drug smuggling. The U.S. Army would take investigators of drug trafficking who caught "seniors" in the military, off that duty, and put them on combat duty! Michael Levine, a retired Drug Enforcement Agency agent, in The Big White Lie (NY: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1993), cited official undermining of the war on drugs, making it an "illusion." The San Jose Mercury News (California) had a series of articles in August 1996, on CIA complicity in drug smuggling. For example, see the article by Gary Webb, "Shadowy origins of 'crack' epidemic: Role of CIA-linked agents a well-protected secret until now " (19 August 1996). Rodney Stich, Defrauding America and Drugging America: A Trojan Horse (federal inspector-investigator data on CIA, DEA, Pentagon, etc., drug smuggling) Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs and the Press (August 1998) (a chronicle of ties to drug runners, from World War II through the Contra Wars and the Taliban in Afghanistan)
| POPULATION | CRIMES | RATIO | |
| Total | |||
| Nonsmokers | |||
| Smokers |
tobacco's violent and behavior-altering effects on animals, how nicotine had already been used to poison someone (the 1851 Bocarmé murder case), tobacco's mind-altering, behavior-impairing effects on people, tobacco's violence-producing effects in people, and examples of this.
(1) cigarette advertising and sales targeting blacks, (2) manipulating legislators to criminalize previously legal but rare post-gateway drug activities, while (3) sabotaging action (since the first Food and Drug Act to present) against the gateway drug that leads to "the worst of all drug habits, the smoking of tobacco" (as said by Dr. Herbert Tidswell, 1912), and (4) manipulating research to "justify" the above.
to cause "black" crime via the tobacco - drugging process to to re-enslave via prison, then to disenfranchise them.
They are often unaware of white reformers' opposition to the use of tobacco as the starter drug leading into the cycle that leads to crime and disenfranchisement. Too often, racists' tobacco-using victims are hooked into "wanting" (without "informed choice and consent") to do what 'massa' had been allowed to do (to smoke and drink), while forbidding slaves to do likewise. The use of tobacco, to racists' victims, seems to be an element of freedom, whereas it is in reality a left-over vestige of slavery, and a particularly vicious one. (See 1882 Example.)
Cigarette ads target minorities. Compare big cities and suburbs; contrast them; notice the difference. It is conspicuous. It promotes chemical slavery, the term for "slavery to an addiction." And a major part of the neo-Confederate criminalization process is the "smoking is a right" myth, the modern version of their old "slavery is a right" myth.